published by Harvard University Press, 2003
Chapter 1. Gesture is Everywhere Chapter 2. Not Just Handwaving Chapter 3. Giving our Thoughts Away Chapter 4. Who is Ready to Learn? Chapter 5. Only the Hands Know for Sure
Chapter 6. Everyone Reads Gesture Chapter 7. Understanding Speech Chapter 8. In the Classroom Chapter 9. Learning by Gesturing to Others |
Chapter 10. Gesturing in the Dark Chapter 11. Gesturing Helps Chapter 12. Gesturing Leads to Change
Chapter 13. Gesture within a Community Chapter 14. Gesture by a Child Chapter 15. Gesture on the Spot
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My studies of gesture began serendipitously, as many studies do. Rochel Gelman, my graduate school advisor, had lent me a videotape to use in the Introduction to Developmental Psychology class I was teaching at the University of Chicago. The tape was 1 inch reel-to-reel, which gives those of you who know the history of videorecorders some idea of how long ago this happened (Rochel was the experimenter on the tape and was wearing a mini-skirt, which also dates the event). The tape showed a series of children participating in Piagetian conservation tasks tasks in which a quantity appears to change but doesn't actually change (e.g., liquid is poured from one container to a differently shaped container) and the child is asked whether the transfer has affected the original quantity. Before age 7 or 8, children are convinced that the amount of water does change when it changes containers, and can give reasoned explanations for their (incorrect) beliefs.
I used the tape in my developmental class every year, and every year I pointed out how striking it was that the children could not conserve quantity. Over time I became less fascinated with the children's non-conserving responses (although my students never tired of them), and I began to look at the tape as well as listen to it. I finally noticed that the children couldn't keep their hands still during their explanations they gestured constantly. Even the children who had already mastered conservation gestured throughout the task.
I asked Breckie Church, one of my graduate students at the time, to take a look at children's hand movements. We collected our own videotapes of children participating in conservation tasks and, after hours of careful study, Breckie and I were convinced that these movements were not just handwaving. Rather, the children were using their hands to convey substantive information about the task. As an example, one child produced a pouring motion just as she said, "it's a different amount because you poured it."
Not wanting the way we described the gestures to be influenced by the speech we heard during transcription, we next went through the tapes coding speech without gesture (with the picture turned off) and gesture without speech (with the sound turned off). And here we made our most interesting discovery the observation that underlies all others described in the book. Many times, a child would produce a gesture that conveyed the same information he or she had just articulated in speech like the pouring gesture in the example given above. However, at other times, a child would give one explanation in speech and a completely different explanation in gesture. For example, the child might say "it's a different amount because you poured it," while gesturing the shape of the container (two C-shaped hands positioned as though holding a round dish). In speech the child had focused on the experimenter's pouring motions, but in gesture the child had conveyed information about the width of the container the child had produced a gesture-speech "mismatch".
Our second discovery was that these gesture-speech mismatches have cognitive significance. When we gave all of the non-conserving children instruction in conservation, only some of the children profited from our instruction those who had produced many gesture-speech mismatches in their previous explanations. We thus concluded that gesture not only reveals a child's unspoken thoughts, but it also can give us notice that the child may be ready to learn new things.
The goal of the research program that grew out of these discoveries, and the goal of this book, is to understand and convey the importance of gestures of this sort. When does gesture reveal thoughts that are not expressed in speech? What kind of thoughts does it reveal? Does gesture play an active role in the conversations we have or, even more fundamentally, the thoughts we think? In the book, I try to make the case that gesture can indeed shape both our conversations and our thoughts. In this way, gesture can reveal, and propel, cognitive change.
| A gesture-speech match on a math problem --> | ![]() |
The child mentions the 3 numbers on the left side of the equation in speech, and points at these same 3 numbers in gesture.
(i.e., an add-numbers-to-the-equal-sign strategy in both speech and gesture) |
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<-- A gesture-speech mismatch on a math problem |
The child mentions the 3 numbers on the left side of the equation in speech, but points at all 4 numbers in the problem in gesture.
(i.e., an add-numbers-to-the-equal-sign strategy in speech and an add-all-numbers strategy in gesture) |
The book is divided into four parts.
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